akrishnarao

Tag: Ayodhya

  • Betraying Ram’s Path

    On the night before the demolition of the Babri Masjid structure on December 6, 1992, I met Rama Shankar Agnihotri in Ayodhya, a senior RSS member, journalist, and someone who oversaw media affairs during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Sitting right next to him, Vinay Katiyar, the MP of Faizabad (Ayodhya), gave me information about the Karseva. As the founding president of the Bajrang Dal, he was one of those who intensified the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Without leaders like Ashok Singhal, Vinay Katiyar, Kalyan Singh, Mahant Vaidyanath—the guru of UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath—Uma Bharti, and Sadhvi Rithambhara, there would be no Ram Janmabhoomi movement at all. Advani, who went among the people in the name of the Ram Rath Yatra, gave a political shape to this movement, but the forces that actually organized the movement, like the VHP and Bajrang Dal, were different. Vinay Katiyar, who won three times from Ayodhya, gained popularity with slogans like ‘Mandir Wahi Banayenge’.

    Such a Vinay Katiyar is taking the developments happening in Ayodhya today very seriously. He expressed deep anguish over the large-scale looting of cash and valuables from the donation boxes (Hundis) in the temple. The severity of the situation can be understood by the very fact that he said, “Everyone who is currently there is a thief.” Not only Vinay Katiyar, but many saints also condemned this plunder. “Those who looted the funds are Ravanas,” said Dhirendra Krishna Shastri, the head of Bageshwar Dham. Swami Avimukteshvarananda Saraswati, preacher Devakinandan Thakur, and Mahant Kamal Nayan Das like many other saints alleged that powerful people are behind this plunder. Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust member Mahant Dinendra Das Maharaj on Sunday backed the administration’s action in the alleged Ram Mandir donation embezzlement case, saying the steps taken were appropriate and demanding strict punishment for those found guilty. Speaking to news agency ANI, he said the ongoing investigation and arrests were justified and credited the state leadership for swift action. “If I tell the truth in this matter, I will get into trouble,” said a former BJP MP.

    Mahipal Singh, the former CEO of the trust, alleged that these funds have been plundered ever since the Centre formed the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust in 2020 to manage the temple construction, properties, and public donations, and that no one properly accounted for the gold, silver, and jewelry offered by the devotees. Instead of conducting an investigation after he pointed out the mismatch between vouchers, cash, and jewelry, he was removed from his job. The matter leaked out only after Akhilesh Yadav, the leader of the Samajwadi Party, raised this issue on June 7, 2026 and demanded a judicial inquiry. BJP leader Rajnish Singh wrote a letter directly to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, demanding that bank accounts and trust accounts be shown to the public and disclosed transparently. Finally, on June 13, the Yogi government appointed a Special Investigation Team (SIT).

    There is no count of how large an amount of donations, ornaments, gold, and silver bricks the devotees offered for the Ram Janmabhoomi in Ayodhya. One can gauge the extent of the issue across religious institutions as The Indian Express reported that the Shri Badrinath Kedarnath Temple Committee on Friday ordered an inquiry into allegations of misappropriation of donations at the Badrinath shrine in Uttarakhand. All employees and officials involved in counting donations have been issued show-cause notices, ANI quoted the temple committee chairperson, Hemant Dwivedi, as saying.

    Meanwhile, in Ayodhya, many devotees responded with deep devotion to the programs conducted in the name of distributing Akshatalu (sacred rice) and the ‘Ram Ram Gram Abhiyan’. Visuals of cash being taken away and bags being carried were exposed at least 70 times on CCTV cameras. The SIT concluded that some staff members intentionally stood in front of the cameras to prevent the scenes of stealing cash from the donation boxes from being recorded. Information was also obtained that large-scale lands were purchased with the looted money. Among those arrested by the SIT are some officials who count notes, the General Secretary of the Trust and International Vice President of the VHP, Champat Rai Bansal, and his personal driver Rama Shankar Yadav alias Tinnu Yadav, among others. But Champat Rai Bansal and Trustee Anil Mishra, who should have taken responsibility, merely resigned. Reports emerged that Anil Mishra built a magnificent three-story bungalow with ultra-modern amenities in Ayodhya. In fact, Alok Bansal, his wife Shivani Bansal, Chandan Rai Bansal, Manish Bansal, and others who ran real estate businesses worth crores of rupees in Ayodhya, are relatives of Champat Rai. Several land purchase documents seized by the SIT reached the media. Gopal Rao, a Pracharak of the Karnataka region belonging to Maharashtra and the Central Joint Secretary of the VHP, was appointed as the administrative officer. It is also reported that Gopal Rao, who is the most powerful person after Champat Rai, is the creator of many Udupi hotels in Ayodhya.

    It is not entirely far from the truth to say that if there were no Ram Mandir movement, there would be no Bharatiya Janata Party. Lal Krishna Advani himself explained in his autobiography that the Ram Janmabhoomi had a role in the rise of the BJP. He described the Ram Janmabhoomi movement as the largest mass movement in the history of independent India. Only after he conducted the Rath Yatra from Somnath did the BJP win 120 seats in the 1991 elections. After promising about the Ram Mandir in the BJP’s election manifesto in 1998, the first non-Congress coalition government led by the BJP under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee was formed at the Centre in the subsequent elections. He declared that they proved that if the people’s identification with religion is directed in a positive path, it can be shaped into an wonderful force, and that the collective expression of the people resonated in unison with the expression of a nation’s soul. Advani, who wished to awaken the dormant Hindutva through his movement, described Rama as a distinctive symbol of India’s national personality, unity, and integrity. Many people lost their lives due to this movement. Thousands of people died in the firing ordered by the then UP Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav’s government in Ayodhya in October and November 1990, and in the riots that took place across the country after the demolition of the Babri Masjid structure. Many people were jailed. Today, it appears that the ultimate purpose of the many sacrifices made for the Ram Janmabhoomi has been lost.

    People like Advani believed that the Ramayana has influenced the high moral value system in this country for several decades. Pamidighantam Kodandaramaiah, a former High Court judge who established the Arsha Vijnana Trust, wrote that the Ramayana transcends religion and religious systems. He stated in his book ‘Ramayana Prabha’ that the Ramayana has endured forever in India because Rama is dharma personified, as in ‘Ramo Vigrahavan Dharmah’. Scholars like Ilapavuluri Panduranga Rao said that Valmiki’s Ramayana mentions Sri Rama’s truthfulness at every step, and that very adherence to the spoken truth has sustained Indian society through the ages. Valmiki made Maricha describe Rama as the personification of the Deity of Dharma. Valmiki praised Rama as a saintly person, one of true valor, devoted to truth and righteousness, true to his word, of truthful character, and one whose soul is truth itself. “Truth is the only God; truth is the foundation of devotion in the world. The root of everything lies in truth alone. There is no higher goal beyond truth,” Valmiki said. He formulated that “Dharma is born out of strength (Balo pratishtaho dharmah dharanyamiva jangamam). If righteousness and strength are coupled with truth, they can protect against any great calamity.” He said that even the world can be conquered through truth. Valmiki makes Rama himself say, “I have no infatuation for wealth, gold, objects, or vehicles; what I want is not the kingdom, but the nation (Na hahamartha paro devi lokamavastu mutsahe).”

    But what is happening now? Ramayana means the path walked by Rama. Are we walking in that path? Are the strong standing by truth and righteousness today? Do they think the nation is more important than the kingdom? Is it enough to construct a Ram temple and install the idol of Rama? The ongoing developments prove that there is absolutely no value for truth and righteousness anywhere in the country, and that self-interest, wealth accumulation, desire for power, and tyrannical rule have become the sole goals. Leaders of the BJP, along with other parties, are proving the maxim: “Power corrupts. Absolute power corrupts absolutely.” It has turned out that some within the Sangh Parivar are also not exceptions to this. Today, one has to search for virtuous people in the BJP and the Sangh like Nanaji Deshmukh, Kushabhau Thakre, J.P. Mathur, Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, and Lakshmanrao Inamdar. There is also a rumor going around that the plunder in Ayodhya took place either to take the management of the temple away from the Sangh into the control of the government, or to put Yogi Adityanath in a tight spot. At a time when the BJP’s grip on national politics was thought to be tightening completely, the occurrence of plunder in Ayodhya—the very place responsible for the party’s progress—is a bad development. This development is causing distress among the people. Today, even lawyers in Ayodhya are collectively refusing to argue on behalf of the plunderers. This is not a stain that has come upon just a political party or an organization like the RSS, which claims to be committed to Hindu Dharma. It is a wound inflicted on the minds of the people who worship Sri Rama and the Ramayana in the country. The responsibility lies on the leaders of that party to ensure that the very arrow of Rama that caused the rise of the BJP does not become the cause of the BJP’s downfall.

  • In the Light of Bashir Badr’s Memories…

    In the Light of Bashir Badr’s Memories…

    We spend our entire lives in the light of certain memories. Every time we wonder whether they are just memories or the fluttering echoes of our own life force, the poet Bashir Badr comes to mind. Yes, we must keep the light of memories with us. Otherwise, who knows in which dark alley the evening of life will come to an end? As he once said: “Ujala apni yaadon ka hamare saath rehne do” (Let the light of your memories remain with me).

    On Thursday, the evening of Bashir Badr’s life also came to a close. Passing away at the age of 91, he was one of those poets who served as a bridge between the social evolution of pre- and post-independence India—a true representative of the country’s composite culture. With his demise, it must be said that an entire generation has almost gone extinct. For the past few years, it was known that he lived like a living corpse, having lost his thoughts and memories, in a state where he did not know who he was or what his poems were. True to his own lines: “Jeevan ke safar mein mujhe koi bhi na mila, hamraah to milte hain safar yaad nahi rehta” (I found no one to stand by me in life’s journey; many walk along the path, but once the journey ends, no one remembers those memories), he vanished along with his memories. And just as he had written: “Umr bhar jagne wala pada sota raha…” (The one who stayed awake all his life now lies fast asleep), he has entered an eternal sleep.

    In a way, he was fortunate. He had once lamented that sometimes, it is better not to know what is happening around us: “Koi haath bhi na milayega jo gale miloge” (No one will even shake your hand if you go to embrace them). He had written long ago:

    “If you go with deep affection to embrace someone, no one here will even shake your hand. This is the city of a new generation of people; keep a little distance here even when you meet.”

    Today, it is not just mechanical living, but the destruction of life itself that reigns supreme. How fortunate he was not to know that the very communal hatred he fled from in Meerut to find peace in Bhopal has now spread across the entire country? He had prayed to God to grant him the strength to forget those who had completely forgotten him: “Tumhe jisne dil se bhula diya, use bhoolne ki dua karo” (Pray to forget the one who forgot you from the heart). Perhaps the Almighty took pity on him and blessed him with Alzheimer’s until his death.

    The Scars of Meerut

    Indeed, the mention of Bashir Badr’s name brings back memories of the Meerut communal riots. During the 1987 Meerut riots, miscreants destroyed his house and his writings. Those were the days when Bashir Badr, born in Ayodhya—the birthplace of Lord Rama—was working as a lecturer in Meerut. He had never realized that the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute would erupt in his birthplace of Ayodhya, and that very conflict would engulf Meerut, where he lived, like a wildfire. Many Hindus and Muslims lost their lives in these riots that took place in May and June of 1987. However, reports emerged that the PAC (Provincial Armed Constabulary) forces, tasked with maintaining law and order, gunned down many Muslims in the villages of Maliyana and Hashimpura in Meerut and threw them into canals. Human rights leader Balagopal was among those who submitted reports on these atrocities at the time. Nearly three decades later, in October 2018, the Delhi High Court sentenced 16 PAC personnel to life imprisonment for killing 42 people.

    It was about these Meerut riots that Bashir Badr wrote:

    Log toot jaate hain ek ghar banane mein Tum taras nahi khate bastiyan jalane mein (People pour their entire lives into building a single home, but you show no mercy when you burn down entire neighborhoods.)

    Bashir noticed back then that if anyone spoke the truth, they were branded as rebels or anti-social elements. He depicted this reality in his ghazal, “Main bolta hoon to ilzaam hai baghavat ka.” He wrote:

    “If I speak, they accuse me of rebellion; if I remain silent, a deep sense of helplessness and agony gnaws at my conscience, watching injustice happen before my eyes and being unable to do anything.”

    He beautifully captured the plight of an intellectual torn between speaking the truth and enduring it silently in just two lines. He wrote that even the flow of one’s tears finds its own path, just like flowing water.

    A Unique Voice in Urdu Literature

    At the tender age of 12, the horrors and riots of the 1947 Partition left an indelible mark on Bashir’s mind. Writing poetry since the age of seven, Bashir’s ghazals mirrored the changing political, social, and cultural landscape. Transforming from Syed Muhammad Bashir to Bashir Badr (Bashir the Moon), he demonstrated extraordinary talent in mushairas (poetic symposiums) and poetry competitions as a student, winning numerous awards. While he was still a student at Aligarh Muslim University, some of his poems were included in the M.A. (Urdu) syllabus.

    By setting aside the heavy Persian influence on ghazals and choosing a simple language easily understood by the common reader, he earned immense popularity. By introducing Hindi, Braj, and Awadhi dialects, he carved a unique niche for his ghazals among modern Urdu poets. He introduced metaphors that no one had created before. He boldly declared: “My turn is unique in the history of Urdu ghazal. My style itself is the style of the ghazal.” Fluent in Persian, Hindi, Urdu, and English, he was honored with the Sahitya Akademi Award, the Padma Shri, and hundreds of other accolades. His poetry was published in seven volumes.

    Transcending traditional boundaries and refusing to be trapped in the frameworks of ideologies like progressivism or modernism, he beautifully and poetically expressed the daily experiences of the common man. He carried forward the trend in India that Faiz Ahmed Faiz had created in Pakistan. He deserves the credit for making poetry a part of the common vocabulary after Ghalib. Bashir Badr’s poems highlight the humane dimension, sensitivity, and love for freedom inherent in humans. He searched for humanity all his life. There were many occasions when he lamented that the paths they once walked together were asking, “Where is your companion (Humsafar)?” He grieved, “I searched for a human being all my life. I asked God to show me a human being in this vast universe, but I could not find one.”

    In another poem, he expresses his anguish:

    “There are names on houses, and big titles (designations) next to those names. But I searched extensively… and nowhere could I find a ‘human’.”

    The Romantic and the Humanist

    We often long to look at our loved ones to our heart’s content. We want to talk openly, and the desire to meet haunts us. He yearned: “Na jee bhar ke dekha na kuch baat ki, badi aarzoo thi mulaqaat ki” (Neither did I see you to my heart’s content, nor did we talk; I had a great desire to meet). He anxious sighed: “There are many close friends of mine in the city, but they have no news of me, and I do not know their addresses.” He grieved that despite living among hundreds of people, man is becoming lonely.

    Saying “Musafir hain hum bhi musafir ho tum bhi”, Bashir reminded us that we are all travelers and will meet somewhere. He warned those chasing fame: “The peaks of fame are but momentary sights. The branch we have climbed can break at any moment.” He advised finding history in nature: “If you find free time, try to read the writings on water, because every river keeps writing a history (story) of thousands of years through its flow.”

    In his poem “Udne do parindon ko abhi shokh hawa mein”, he wrote for elders who worry unnecessarily about children: “Let the birds (children) fly in this playful wind for a while, because the days of childhood, once gone, never return.”

    There was also a magnificent romantic poet within Bashir Badr. Beautiful lines resonate through his ghazals:

    • “You burn my heart so much, yet you look so beautiful.”
    • “Place your lips upon my eyes when I sleep… only then will I believe that the heart beats even behind closed eyelids.”
    • “Even when buried in a book, a lover sees nothing but the beloved’s face. That book-like face remained right before my eyes, and so, my studies went beautifully.” (Wo chehra kitabi raha saamne. Badi khoobsurat padhayi hui)
    • “Love is like a fragrance (Khushboo) that always walks with us; therefore, no person is ever left truly alone, even in solitude.”
    • “If you are angry, do not hide it. Only then will I get a chance to persuade you.”

    A Vision of Peace and the Game of Politics

    Despite being born amid communal hatred and being deeply affected by it, Bashir Badr desired nothing but friendship between people throughout his life. He said: “The journey of enmity lasts only a step or two, after that (fighting and fighting) you will get tired, and I will get tired too.” He wrote: “Pack hatred (Nafrat) into seven boxes and bury it deep in the earth; today, man desperately needs love (Mohabbat).” He counselled: “Guard the lamps (hopes) carefully in your eyes, because ahead, for a long distance, there will be nothing but darkness.”

    His verses frequently find a place on the lips of politicians.

    Dushmani jam kar karo lekin ye gunjaish rahe, Jab kabhi hum dost hojayen to sharminda na hona (Carry out your enmity with all your might, but leave this much room—if we ever become friends again, we should not feel ashamed to face each other.)

    It is said that when the Simla Agreement was signed between India and Pakistan in 1972, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto reminded Indira Gandhi of this very couplet.

    The same poem was read out in Parliament by Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge on September 6, 2018. The very next day, Prime Minister Narendra Modi also replied to Kharge using Bashir Badr’s poetry, taking a satirical jibe: “Jee bahut chahta hai sach bolne, kya karein hausla nahi hota” (The heart desperately wants to speak the truth, but what to do, the courage falls short).

    After poets pass away, politicians never hesitate to shamelessly use their poetry for political gains. But when poets are alive, these very leaders trample upon their hearts. Bashir Badr did not write these lines without reason:

    “Truth is heavily occupied, from politics to the judiciary. Speak lies; there is still immense love in lies!” (Sach, siyasat se adalat tak bahot masroof hai, jhooth bolo, jhooth mein ab bhi mohabbat hai bahot!)