akrishnarao

Tag: Netanyahu

  • “Strategic Autonomy or Strategic Adjustment? India’s New Reality”

    Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated in both Houses of Parliament that, due to the war raging in West Asia, the country is facing a situation similar to the crisis that arose during the COVID period, and that everyone should be prepared to face it together. While saying that there is no shortage of gas and oil at present, it is noteworthy that he also described the situation as worrying. He declared that not just India but the entire world is facing an energy crisis. In reality, it is not unknown to him that people have already begun facing difficulties regarding cooking gas. With the sudden rise in demand for induction stoves in the country, their prices have also increased. Those who cannot afford these stoves have already begun either going hungry or depending on others. “You have CNG at home, right… I’ll make four rotis and go…” our domestic worker asked. The sale of gas cylinders in the black market is also taking place. Shops that used to fill gas into 5 kg cylinders have shut down. There are many instances of consumers quarrelling with dealers over cylinders due to them. Prices of tea and food items at roadside stalls have also increased. “No stock” boards are visible at many petrol pumps. People, believing rumors, are lining up at petrol pumps. Since it is unclear how this situation will be in the future, Prime Minister Narendra Modi came before the people. Recalling the experience of some selling oxygen in the black market during COVID, he warned that black marketing will not be tolerated. Modi is also aware that people will not ignore these issues during the Assembly elections in five states. India imports nearly 60 percent of its LPG. Of that, 90 percent must pass through the Strait of Hormuz. According to the latest reports, with great difficulty, we have managed to bring in four ships so far. Modi told Parliament that a large number of Indians have been safely brought back from the Gulf. The benefits that families here used to receive from the remittances sent by them have now stopped. “We know you will face problems at present. But this war is happening so that there will be no problems in the world in the long term,” Israel’s ambassador Reuven Azar said recently in Delhi. Who gave Israel, or its godfather America, the authority to wage war on behalf of all countries in the world?

    In fact, as soon as Parliament sessions began, the opposition strongly demanded that Prime Minister Narendra Modi make a statement on the West Asia situation. With insistence on a discussion in Parliament, the House was adjourned several times. Rahul Gandhi made serious allegations that Modi avoided discussion. Finally, Modi made a statement in Parliament explaining the situation, but a discussion on West Asia has still not been conducted. Modi said in his speech that he is speaking with Israel, America, and Iran, and has made it clear that the issue should be resolved diplomatically. However, even as he emphasized diplomacy, global developments indicate parallel backchannel efforts: the Donald Trump administration has reportedly offered a 15-point ceasefire plan to Iran, conveyed through intermediaries from Pakistan, which has also offered to host renewed negotiations between Washington and Tehran. Trump stated for a second consecutive day that the United States is in talks with Iran to end the war, while JD Vance may lead potential negotiations that could take place in Islamabad, with Pakistan acting as a mediator.

    Unlike in the past when Trump claimed he had stopped an India–Pakistan war, Modi is not in a position to make such a claim now. India has developed such close ties with America and Israel during Modi’s tenure that it is no longer in a position to criticize those two countries. This could turn into a double-edged sword. The fact that Modi did not criticize the stance of America and Israel at all in his lengthy speech in both Houses of Parliament is evidence of this. Even when an Iranian ship returning after participating in naval exercises conducted by India in the waters off Visakhapatnam was blown up by America in the Indian Ocean, India did not condemn it. At the same time, India is also in a position where it cannot sever its historical ties with Iran. Modi has already spoken twice with Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian and expressed sympathy over the attacks. He requested that there be no obstacles to energy supplies.

    In fact, when America attacked Iraq in 2003 on the pretext of chemical weapons, the government of Atal Bihari Vajpayee not only strongly condemned it but also introduced a resolution in Parliament. The ruling and opposition parties together unanimously passed that resolution condemning America’s stance. Speaker Manohar Joshi himself introduced the resolution, severely criticizing the attacks by American coalition forces on Iraq. Congress leader Jaipal Reddy described it as a very unusual resolution and explained how dangerously America was acting. He urged India to remain alert to the consequences of America’s toxic conspiracies. BJP leader Vijay Kumar Malhotra, Telugu Desam Parliamentary Party leader Yerran Naidu, Samajwadi Party leader Mulayam Singh Yadav, CPI(M) leader Somnath Chatterjee, along with leaders of all parties, condemned American aggression. Then External Affairs Minister Yashwant Sinha declared that no one could suppress the voice of India, the world’s largest democracy, and that the country was ready to face any challenge.

    What changes have occurred between the Vajpayee government and the Modi government? Why are the BJP and its allies now unable to comment clearly on developments in West Asia? Why have they ignored attacks on Venezuela and Iran?

    What is surprising is that Pakistan, which has been closer to America than India, is now playing a key role in trying to broker peace between Iran and America. Reports indicate that Pakistan’s Army Chief Field Marshal Munir spoke with US leadership, and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif also spoke with Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian. It is said that Pakistan, along with Turkey and Egypt, is making serious efforts to stop the war. In fact, Pakistan strongly condemned the joint attacks by America and Israel on the Islamic Republic of Iran in violation of international law. Instead of punishing such Pakistan, why is America allowing it to attempt mediation?

    Amid these developments, the Indian government on Wednesday convened an all-party meeting around 5 pm over the ongoing West Asia conflict that began after US–Israeli strikes on Iran on February 28. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh chaired the meeting, with External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and Petroleum Minister Hardeep Singh Puri in attendance. The meeting was held inside the Parliament building without the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Rajya Sabha’s Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge objected to the format and demanded a full debate in the House instead of just a briefing. Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi said he would be unable to attend due to a prior engagement in Kerala. This meeting followed Modi’s address in Parliament, where he urged citizens to be prepared for every challenge and warned that the effects of the war could last for a long time. He also stated that the government has constituted seven empowered groups to formulate strategies on fuel, supply chains, fertilizers, and other sectors to mitigate the impact of the Iran–Israel–US conflict.

    Prime Minister Modi has so far visited 68 countries. He has toured the United States, the United Arab Emirates, Japan, Russia, and many other countries multiple times. It cannot be said that this has not enhanced India’s reputation or brought economic benefits. Large-scale defense and industrial investments and technology transfers have increased. Modi has invited foreign direct investment from many countries, including China, and has entered into strategic agreements with several nations. Modi is the only Indian Prime Minister to have visited the United States nine times and Israel twice. Having recently completed 8,931 days in public office, Modi was praised unanimously by NDA leaders. Home Minister Amit Shah described him as a Prime Minister who upheld India’s self-respect on the global stage. Even so, it remains to be discussed whether India has lost its strategic autonomy under Modi, who has acted differently from the approaches followed during the tenures of Indira Gandhi, Vajpayee, and P.V. Narasimha Rao, or whether it is merely being forced to take a temporary step back.

    In any case, at this juncture, the Modi government suddenly bringing forward the women’s reservation bill and the delimitation of constituencies is another surprising development. As initially planned, the latest census should have been completed, the number of constituencies increased, and then women’s reservation implemented. But why was there a need to introduce delimitation and women’s reservation based on the 2011 census? If these bills are passed, the focus of political parties and the public will certainly shift entirely to constituencies and women’s seats. Whether this will bring the expected political advantage to the Modi government in the Assembly elections in five states can only be known once the results are declared.

  • Selective Alignment and Strategic Recalibration: Modi’s Israel Visit

    Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2026 visit to Israel marked more than a diplomatic engagement; it signalled a consolidation of India’s strategic recalibration in West Asia, where national interest, geopolitical ambition, and ideological comfort increasingly intersect. By addressing the Knesset and appearing publicly alongside Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at a time of intense international scrutiny of Israel’s Gaza campaign, Modi underscored that New Delhi’s foreign policy today is anchored in security, technology, and strategic leverage rather than moral symbolism.

    Convergence with US Strategy and Corridor Geopolitics

    India’s growing closeness to Israel aligns in significant ways with broader United States regional objectives. Initiatives such as I2U2 and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor form part of a new connectivity architecture linking India, the Gulf, Israel, and Europe. These projects are widely viewed as alternatives to China’s Belt and Road Initiative and represent an effort to reconfigure trade and infrastructure flows across West Asia. For Washington, they reinforce a cooperative bloc of technology-driven partners; for India, they advance its ambition to become a central node in global manufacturing and logistics networks. The convergence reflects overlapping strategic incentives rather than simple alignment.

    The corridor dimension is particularly transformative. If realised at scale, the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor could recalibrate trade routes, reduce reliance on traditional chokepoints, bypass Pakistan, and position India centrally within emerging transcontinental supply chains. For Israel, integration into such a corridor strengthens its logistical and geopolitical role as a bridge between Europe and Asia.

    Gaza, Terrorism, and Diplomatic Calibration

    The Gaza conflict formed an unavoidable backdrop. Modi’s unequivocal condemnation of the October 7 Hamas attack during his speech at the Knesset was consistent with India’s long-standing zero-tolerance posture toward terrorism, shaped by its own security challenges. At the same time, he avoided strong public criticism of Israel’s ongoing military campaign. This calibrated messaging reflects India’s decision to prioritise counterterror solidarity and defence cooperation while maintaining rhetorical support for peace and a two-state solution.

    By condemning Hamas in clear terms, New Delhi reinforced its own narrative against cross-border militancy while avoiding diplomatic friction with Israel at a moment of expanding strategic engagement.

    Defence Cooperation and “Sudarshan Chakra”

    Defence cooperation lies at the heart of this partnership. India’s conceptual push toward a multi-layered air defence architecture, often described under the banner of “Mission Sudarshan Chakra,” dovetails with Israeli systems such as Iron Dome, Iron Beam, and the Arrow missile defense system. These battle-tested technologies enhance India’s capacity to counter drones, rockets, cruise missiles, and ballistic threats from both Pakistan and China.

    The cooperation extends beyond procurement to joint development, technology transfer, artificial intelligence integration, cybersecurity collaboration, and space research involving the Indian Space Research Organisation and the Israel Space Agency. For India, the gains are deterrence strength, technological acceleration, and progress toward defence self-reliance.

    For Netanyahu, the optics of a major Asian power standing firmly beside Israel were invaluable. It demonstrated that Israel is not isolated and that influential emerging powers remain willing to deepen ties despite controversy. Modi’s visit offered a counter-narrative to claims of diplomatic marginalisation.

    Ideological Optics and Domestic Political Resonance

    Symbolism played a visible role in shaping domestic optics. Cultural gestures during the welcome ceremony, widely circulated across Israeli and Indian media, reinforced perceptions of ideological comfort between the two leaderships. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), ideological parent of Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party, has historically expressed admiration for aspects of Jewish nationalism, civilizational revival, and Israel’s security doctrine. The visit feeds into a broader narrative of civilizational confidence and muscular security policy that resonates strongly with the ruling party’s support base.

    Has India Reversed Its Pro-Palestinian Position?

    The central question remains whether India’s historically sympathetic stance toward Palestinians has been completely reversed. The answer is nuanced. India has not formally abandoned its support for a two-state solution, nor has it withdrawn diplomatic recognition of Palestine. It continues to reiterate its commitment to dialogue and peaceful resolution. However, what has changed is the priority structure. Palestine no longer defines India’s West Asia policy.

    However, from a realist perspective, what New Delhi is practising is calibrated self-interest. The distinction between “calibrated pragmatism” and “calibrated self-interest” in India’s current Israel policy is less about contradiction and more about emphasis. In classical diplomatic language, pragmatism implies flexibility guided by national interest while maintaining normative commitments. Self-interest, by contrast, suggests a sharper prioritisation of material and political gains, even if that means diluting earlier moral positions. India’s present approach arguably contains elements of both.

    Will This Shield Modi from Domestic Opposition?

    A crucial dimension is whether this approach protects Modi’s political interests amid criticism from opposition parties. Critics argue that India’s visible proximity to Israel during a humanitarian crisis risks undermining its moral standing and alienating sections of India’s Muslim population. They frame the visit as a departure from India’s historical commitment to anti-colonial solidarity and Global South leadership.

    However, in electoral terms, the strategic framing of the visit may blunt much of this criticism. By emphasising counterterrorism, national security, defence modernisation, and technological advancement, the government situates the Israel relationship within themes that enjoy broad public resonance. For a significant segment of the electorate, strong condemnation of Hamas aligns with India’s own security concerns, while high-technology defence agreements signal preparedness against external threats. In a political landscape where leadership perception and national security credentials carry substantial weight,  imagery can outweigh normative debates for many voters. For now, the strategic and security narrative appears more electorally potent than moral critique.

    Balancing Arab Relations

    India’s relations with Arab states require careful management. The country relies heavily on Gulf nations for energy imports, trade, and remittances from its diaspora. Yet several Gulf governments themselves pursue pragmatic engagement with Israel within broader economic frameworks. Thus far, Arab governments appear to interpret India’s Israel engagement as strategic pragmatism rather than ideological hostility.

    It is clear that India has moved beyond classical non-alignment toward selective alignment driven by sectoral advantage. Israel offers advanced defence technology, innovation ecosystems, and connectivity potential. In return, Israel gains market access, diplomatic legitimacy, and a powerful Asian partner at a moment of global contention.

    India’s sympathy for Palestine has not disappeared, but it has been strategically recalibrated and deprioritised. Whether this recalibration fully insulates Modi from domestic criticism remains contingent on political developments, but in the present context, the alignment appears designed not only to advance strategic interests abroad but also to consolidate political capital at home.