akrishnarao

Tag: Narendra Modi

  • The Breaking Point: Modi’s Battle for Gen Z

    “To find one’s footing, stumbling is necessary,” a poet once said. Currently, the Modi government appears to be walking that very path. With the Supreme Court ordering the quashing of FIRs filed against students who participated in nationwide protests between July 20 and 25, and barring further investigations, the chaos scheduled to erupt in the national capital on September 5 under the leadership of the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) can be considered defused for now. It is evident that the central government was forced to adopt an accommodating stance fearing a potential law-and-order crisis right ahead of the BRICS Summit scheduled to be held in Delhi on September 12 and 13. Over a month had passed since an agreement was reached with CJP representatives promising to withdraw FIRs and provide compensation to the families of students who died by suicide due to the NEET paper leaks. However, as the Centre dragged its feet on taking concrete action, the CJP announced a protest march from India Gate to the Delhi Police Headquarters on Teacher’s Day. In response, New Delhi police imposed Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, completely banning all unauthorized gatherings, and even had a retired police officer file a petition in the Supreme Court seeking a ban on the demonstration.

    Under ordinary circumstances, the Modi government possesses the capacity to deploy heavy forces, turn New Delhi into a fortress, suspend internet services, and crush student demonstrations. Harassing students through digital tracking even after striking an agreement exemplifies the Centre’s typical disposition. At that time, several organizations approached the courts over the use of pellet guns and other excessive force, necessitating the appointment of a high-level commission. Despite this, circumstances compelled the students to question the government’s sincerity. However, fearing that unrest, violence, and heavy-handed policing during an international summit would inconvenience foreign dignitaries and damage the nation’s global standing, the government had no choice but to show flexibility. A day after the Supreme Court made it clear that it had no intention of banning the protest march, the Centre and Delhi Police submitted applications to withdraw the FIRs against the students. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta informed the court that the government would withdraw the cases and disburse compensation within three months to the families of the deceased students. Consequently, with the Supreme Court exercising its extraordinary powers under Article 142 of the Constitution to order the quashing of the FIRs and CJP representatives subsequently calling off their protest, tensions appear to be de-escalating.

    These developments make it clear that the tremors of the June–July student protests are still reverberating across the country. Going beyond the Delhi protests, the CJP launched agitations in several states on public issues. They organized demonstrations in Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, Karnataka, and Delhi over demands for policy reviews, poor school infrastructure, paper leaks, flaws in examination administration, vacant teacher posts, unemployment, and ethanol blending in petrol. Visiting dilapidated schools in various parts of Delhi, they launched the “School Theek Karo” (Fix the Schools) campaign. Setting up a national working committee and embarking on nationwide tours under the banner “Kya Bolti Hai Public,” it is hard not to conclude that the CJP harbors an ambitious political agenda.

    Whatever the CJP’s ultimate goals or its future may be, it has become a pattern for the Centre to alter its stance only under intense pressure. Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was asked to resign only after student unrest reached a boiling point. Now, the government relented on dropping the FIRs only after the threat of an India Gate march loomed large. Why stretch every conflict to the breaking point before walking back? The apex court cannot step in every time to save the government’s face; it has its own constitutional limits. Questions inevitably arise as to why the Modi government consistently miscalculates or fails to resolve issues proactively. Relying entirely on force rather than building an institutional intellectual apparatus for conflict resolution appears to be the core problem.

    Why is the Modi government, after twelve years in power, facing substantial resistance—and that too from students? The new generation questions every decision and calls out systemic shortcomings. Opposition forces, including Congress, are rallying behind them. Various Left factions, once thought to be fading away, are aggressively finding active relevance. These forces have banded together on social media to build momentum. The fact that not just student bodies like the SFI, but even a party fighting for survival in Bihar like CPI(ML) Liberation is using its student wing leader Neha Bora to corner the BJP indicates how the Left is mobilizing. It is hardly surprising that these groups are seizing the political opening. Whether they will succeed remains to be seen, but the ruling party has undeniably been pushed onto the defensive.

    The new generation does not view the country through conventional partisan lenses. They have moved past traditional identifiers like caste, religion, region, and gender to forge a distinct identity. Many traditional politicians fail to grasp their behavior, language, lifestyle, and genuine anxieties. Viewing this youth through obsolete mental models, politicians make clumsy, patronizing attempts to appeal to them—often ending up looking ridiculous. Instead of such superficial ploys, leaders must understand the issues this generation is actually raising: quality education, employment, accountability, functioning institutions, transparency, and the eradication of corruption. Born long after the implementation of economic liberalization, this generation is well aware of global realities. Perpetual lectures on communal politics or the misdeeds of past Congress regimes ring hollow to them. Far from knowing Nehru or Indira, they have not even seen Rajiv Gandhi. Narendra Modi is the only national leader and ruler they have grown up with. Therefore, the paramount duty of the current leadership is addressing what it is doing right now to secure their future.

    In 1988, Rajiv Gandhi lowered the voting age to 18 to engage the youth. Though he was only 40 when he became Prime Minister and framed himself as a youthful leader, the youth of 1989 voted his government out. The Bofors scandal, soaring inflation, rising unemployment, curbs on press freedom, and communal polarization triggered by the Shah Bano case brought him down. If Modi is to succeed where Rajiv Gandhi failed, he must genuinely win over the hearts and minds of this generation. That requires understanding changing social and political realities. If the ruling regime simply imitates the worst traits of the Congress and repeats past mistakes with double the intensity while constantly deflecting blame onto the past, the public is bound to push back.

  • The Sangh and the Saffron Party: A Struggle for Ideological Course Correction

    Has there been a shift in the functioning of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Union Government following the student protests in July that caused unprecedented shockwaves, the subsequent washed-out Monsoon Session of Parliament amid roaring slogans, and the trends seen in the by-elections across three Assembly constituencies including Bankipur? This has now become a major topic of discussion in the national capital. It goes without saying that the impact of these developments has also been felt deeply within the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Seemingly startled by the changes taking place in society, the RSS has suddenly plunged into a massive nationwide mobilization drive aimed at youth and students. Thirty-two affiliate organizations of the RSS, including the BJP, are attending the three-day RSS All India Coordination Meeting (Akhil Bharatiya Samanwaya Baithak) held at Gudilova on the outskirts of Visakhapatnam. In these meetings as well, the primary agenda is: “How to improve engagement with Gen Z and the youth?” The Gudilova meetings are taking place at a time when a major internal overhaul within the RSS is slated for completion by March 2027 to present a brand-new face to the public under fresh leadership. These sessions are set to play a pivotal role in the Sangh’s evolution, with the distinct possibility of catalyzing a transformation within the Bharatiya Janata Party as well.

    There is no doubt that the developments over the twelve years since the BJP came to power at the Centre have also influenced the RSS. While some within the Sangh might view the BJP as just one of its 32 affiliates, one cannot discount that the BJP, governing at the Centre under Modi’s leadership over this decade-plus period, has reshaped the Sangh itself. Having Sangh functionaries step into every Union ministry is one aspect; having the Sangh bear responsibility for the government’s missteps and transgressions is quite another. The Sangh once held the distinction of compelling veteran BJP leader L.K. Advani to resign simply for visiting Pakistan and paying glowing tributes to Muhammad Ali Jinnah. But does the Sangh still possess the power to exercise such moral and ideological authority under current conditions? This is the question now being debated. Having once played a central role in government appointments, alliance decisions, and candidate selections, the key issue today is whether the Sangh can question or confront the government. RSS Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat has repeatedly stated that rulers must heed the concerns of students and youth, and that the Modi government must acknowledge mistakes made in policy decisions. Yet, to what extent is the government engaging in self-reflection? This cannot be ignored. Today, several opposition leaders, including Rahul Gandhi, are dragging both the BJP and the RSS into the political arena and questioning their ideological clarity, effectively putting them on trial before the court of public opinion. It is not just the opposition; even the general public is increasingly finding it difficult to tell the Sangh and the BJP apart. Against this backdrop, it remains to be seen whether the RSS can redefine its future ideological role and reshape its affiliate, the BJP, to meet future needs.

    In fact, a stage had arrived where the BJP argued it no longer needed the support of the RSS. During the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the then BJP National President Jagat Prakash Nadda clearly stated: “In the beginning, when we lacked capability, we needed the RSS. Today, our party has expanded significantly and stands on its own feet. The BJP can run itself.” Thanks to Amit Shah’s strategic planning, the BJP emerged as the world’s largest party with 140 million members, constructing a massive apparatus capable of winning elections with ease. To make the BJP unchallenged, it succeeded in either subduing or splintering rival parties through persuasion or pressure. Consequently, despite securing only 240 seats in the 2024 elections, the leadership of Modi and Shah remained undisputed. Thereafter, by weakening opponents, it continued to win successive assembly elections, ultimately capturing Bengal as well. Many within the Sangh had little choice but to accept the leadership of Modi and Shah. Once a party emerges as an invincible force both internally and externally, which organization retains the ideological and moral authority to question its top leadership?

    Perhaps the emergence of the Cockroach Janata Party and the student protests provided an opportunity for introspection over these developments. For more than a decade, Modi crafted a political ideology and an accompanying vocabulary, unleashing it upon the world. The BJP maintained a well-oiled machinery to embrace this discourse and direct sharp attacks at rivals. Any doubt as to whether Modi created the BJP’s ideological foundation or whether it carried the Sangh’s blessings evaporated; in short, “Modi-ism” indisputably dictated the ideology of both the BJP and the Sangh. The same “ism” prevailed across all key appointments, from Chief Ministers and Union Ministers to the party’s National President.

    However, in the wake of the events in July, ideological analysts note a distinct Sangh imprint on the newly appointed team led by Nitin Nabin. Ideologue Ram Madhav, who remained distant from the BJP for nearly six years, was appointed as Vice President, while 11 out of 14 Vice Presidents and 11 out of 18 General Secretaries reportedly share a strong foundation in Sangh training. Furthermore, removing Amit Malviya—who headed the IT Cell for 11 years with a reputation for projecting any narrative as truth and launching aggressive attacks on opponents—and sidelining figures known for belligerent rhetoric like Tejasvi Surya are notable developments. Speculation suggests an effort is underway to steer the party away from Modi’s mindset and Amit Shah’s strategic style. Even so, will conditions return to the days when the BJP central office buzzed with healthy, regular interactions among party workers, media, and leaders like Venkaiah Naidu, Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley, and Ananth Kumar? Turning back the clock is never easy.

    Surprisingly, during his 13th Red Fort address on the occasion of the 80th Independence Day, Prime Minister Narendra Modi devoted little time to recounting the achievements of the past 12 years. He did not walk the path of Nehru, who spoke to a young India in the language of scientific temper and modern nation-building. He did not echo Lal Bahadur Shastri’s call of “Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan.” Nor did he emulate Atal Bihari Vajpayee by adding “Jai Vigyan” to emphasize the primacy of science. He did not seek to unpack complex economic reforms in simple language like P.V. Narasimha Rao, nor did he discuss a knowledge-based economy like Manmohan Singh. Departing from all of them, Narendra Modi added a new phrase to the lexicon of Indian politics: Dimagi Naxal (an intellectual or ideological Naxalite). Yet, Modi offered no definition for the term. Do those who question an education system that fails to provide jobs, those who raise their voices against paper leaks and unfulfilled promises, and those who take to the streets not just at Jantar Mantar but in cities like Ranchi and Patna fall into this category? Modi knows how to battle legacy systems; in the past, he successfully branded rivals as “Lutyens,” “Andolan Jeevis,” or “Urban Naxals,” lumping them all under a single ideological label. But dismissing Gen Z with such tags will not be easy. Does warning the nation to stay vigilant against thoughtful, questioning citizens from within reflect the true national spirit? In an India recognized globally as an intellectual powerhouse that has produced CEOs for major global enterprises, who exactly is Modi worried about?

    After 12 years of uninterrupted rule, the new challenge Modi faces today is the inability to formulate an acceptable ideology and an appropriate vocabulary to match it. The primary reason is that neither the Bharatiya Janata Party nor the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has consistently built a robust, clear, scientific, and modern ideology suitable for the new generation, leaving room instead for a politics of slogans and abuse. What the country urgently needs today is not individuals who revel in having their names chanted, but an ideology that moves in step with the times.

  • Beyond Invincibility: Lessons from the Monsoon Session

    Once a wound is formed, it may heal in a few days. But politics does not let those wounds heal easily. If possible, leaders stand ready to create new wounds. Many people may have recovered from the injuries inflicted on July 20 by the police using various weapons against students in the national capital. But since then, parliamentary proceedings have been almost paralyzed. The Monsoon session in both houses was practically washed out as Congress leader Rahul Gandhi demanded that Union Home Minister Amit Shah personally clarify who incited the attacks on the students.

    On one hand, relentless rains over the past few days in the national capital disrupted normal life; on the other, political slogans froze the atmosphere inside Parliament. Opposition parties, who until yesterday chanted “Paper Chor, Gaddi Chhod” (Paper thief, step down), are now chanting “Amit Shah Jawab Do, Chanda Chor, Gaddi Chhod” (Amit Shah answer us, donation thief, step down). Surprisingly, ruling party members also stood near the Makardwar on Tuesday confronting the opposition, shouting “Rahul Gandhi Jawab Do…” The lathi charge against students in Jharkhand—ruled by JMM, a partner in the INDIA bloc—provided an opportunity for the ruling party members. Parliament security personnel had to stand like a wall between the shouting members of the ruling and opposition parties. Amidst the clamor of these ruling and opposition members, news related to the “Cockroach Janata Party” also seems to have been swept away.

    Those who expected miracles during the Monsoon session—believing the Modi government could pass the Delimitation Bill, Women’s Reservation Bill, FCRA Bill, and Viksit Bharat Shiksha Anusandhan Bill as planned—must be disappointed now. Narendra Modi’s team had set the stage to pass these bills. Exuberant after their victory in Bengal, they engineered a split of 20 MPs from the Trinamool Congress to join an obscure party. They poached Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena MPs to their side. Seven Rajya Sabha members from the Aam Aadmi Party were turned toward the BJP. In Tamil Nadu, after Congress supported Vijay’s party, negotiations took place with the DMK, which had backed out of the INDIA bloc. Talks were also held with Sharad Pawar’s NCP. Modi’s admirers swelled with pride, believing that Narendra Modi—who could split any party at any time and damage anyone—could achieve anything. Surrendered to Modi and terrified of his actions, several political parties concluded that he was unstoppable in this country and that there was no choice but to follow in his footsteps.

    With only two working days remaining in the Monsoon Session—and effectively only one full working day left for substantive business before the traditional sine die adjournment on the final day around noon—that sense of unstoppable momentum has hit a wall. The quality of parliamentary debate came under severe scrutiny; apart from the anti-paper leak legislation, almost no major bill saw sustained discussion as Lok Sabha proceedings repeatedly collapsed within an hour of opening at 11 am due to incessant sloganeering and protests.

    In reality, while Trump’s international actions had put Modi on the defensive regarding foreign policy for the past two years, several domestic developments over the last two months shattered the atmosphere of fear he had built. In particular, the emergence of the Cockroach Janata Party, the student agitation, children mocking Modi, and their questioning of his every action damaged Modi’s invincibility for the first time in the country. As a result of this agitation and sustained pressure from opposition parties following the police action against student protests at Jantar Mantar, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was forced to resign in the very first week of the session. This forced a shift in a government mindset that previously dismissed everything.

    Following Pradhan’s resignation, the opposition intensified its confrontation. Rahul Gandhi alleged that the police action was carried out at Shah’s behest—an allegation the government categorically and repeatedly rejected—and the focus shifted entirely to demanding a statement from the Home Minister. Although the government offered to facilitate a statement by Shah along with a comprehensive debate on the student movement, the opposition remained unconvinced, leaving Shah’s statement as a central sticking point through the final stretch of the session.

    The student protest in Delhi created ripples across many cities, undoubtedly forcing the BJP and the Sangh into reflection. Those who thought this movement could be suppressed and quieted down like the farmers’ movement were left bewildered. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, who had characterized them as parasites and cockroaches, began hearing the students’ cases. Although RSS leaders like Atul Limaye initially described the student protest as treason, Mohan Bhagwat later entered the scene himself, albeit late, attempting to properly understand the situation. “Even birds have the right to peck,” he recently stated. “We must listen to them. We must talk to them. That is why they protested,” he said. Prime Minister Narendra Modi also started creating Instagram content and Reels to appeal to the youth. Ministers began speaking in student slang, using terms like “delulu” and “fomo.” For the first time in six years, Narendra Modi attended the Delhi IIT convocation on August 8, calling on students to question thoughtless decisions and demonstrate courage for real solutions. Isn’t that precisely what students in the country did? If they hadn’t dared to question, a bill setting up fast-track courts for question paper leaks would not have been rushed through. If there was anything noteworthy in Parliament during this month-long session, it was only the passage of this bill.

    There is no need to remind BJP ideologues that questioning holds the most honored place in Bharatiya Sanatana Dharma. Upanishads like the Bhagavad Gita and Prashnopanishad assigned a pivotal role to questioning. Nothing in our culture is valued more than the freedom to question and search in the pursuit of truth. Yet until now, questioning wrong decisions, unethical acts, dismantled institutions, and corrupt activities brought fear. However, that situation now appears to be changing slightly.

    Whether the student movement calms down, erupts in new regions, or inspires other forces remains to be seen, but it has reinvigorated an opposition crushed by Modi’s surge. Dismayed by the BJP’s major victory in West Bengal and divisions within the INDIA bloc, the student agitation offered the opposition room to breathe. Shielding the students in the final stages of the protest, the opposition stepped in to expand the movement into Parliament and onto the streets. The massive student turnout at Rahul Gandhi’s “Chatron Ki Goonj” in Prayagraj can be considered a key development. The opposition will undoubtedly make intense efforts to leverage the anti-Modi sentiment generated by students in the upcoming elections. That is why they maintained heat in Parliament from start to finish, and now that heat is likely to spill onto the streets.

    Any gain above zero is good for Congress. But for the BJP at its peak, staying on top requires immense effort. For Narendra Modi, hitherto an unquestioned leader, the students and the opposition are not the only issues; he also faces internal challenges within the party and the Sangh. The party losing the seat vacated by Nitin Nabin, whom Modi appointed as BJP National President, is no small matter. In fact, discontent has been simmering within the party regarding several leaders Modi placed in key positions. Appointing Rekha Gupta as Chief Minister—who used to roam the party office in Delhi and wait hours just to meet a party secretary-level leader—caused severe dissatisfaction within the ranks. The world only realized someone was serving as Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh after the Ujjain land scam came to light. Except for chief ministers who switched from other parties in Assam and West Bengal, one would struggle to name the leaders heading BJP-ruled states. Aside from Chief Ministers, two Union Ministers recently became controversial. While Dharmendra Pradhan had to resign over the NEET paper leak, the PMO abruptly removed several people from Environment Minister Bhupender Yadav’s office without notice, with no official reason given regarding what corrupt activities prompted it. Although party leaders have claimed for six months that a Cabinet expansion would occur and Nitin Nabin would announce his team, these changes keep getting postponed. It is said these shifts stalled due to internal resistance within the party. Either way, anyone navigating Delhi’s official corridors realizes things inside the BJP are not as smooth as assumed. Additionally, the theft of donations at the Ayodhya Ram Temple has undeniably damaged the BJP’s moral foundation.

    Ultimately, when will the Modi government introduce the high-stakes Delimitation Bill and Women’s Reservation Bill? The push for Delimitation hit a complete roadblock during the session. Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju held three rounds of talks with Rahul Gandhi on the matter; Gandhi insisted on an all-party meeting first, while Rijiju maintained that such a meeting would only happen if Congress committed to supporting the bill. With neither side yielding, the talks failed to break the deadlock.

    Similarly, will they manage to pass the FCRA Bill that emerged after the Kerala and Tamil Nadu elections? The bill became one of the central flashpoints of the entire session. Following objections by various groups, Amit Shah held consultations inside Parliament with representatives of the Christian community, assuring them the government would proceed only after consulting all stakeholders. Yet opposition concerns remained unresolved. With two days left, Congress and Trinamool Congress MPs demanded the bill’s complete withdrawal in the Rajya Sabha Business Advisory Committee, while others suggested sending it to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC). Government sources indicate the Centre is considering referring it to a JPC, leaving its legislative fate shrouded in uncertainty.

    Is there any connection between US Vice President James David Vance’s phone call to Modi two days ago and the non-introduction of this bill? These questions remain to be answered. The issue is not merely failing to pass bills; pushing forward unilaterally without democratic efforts and dismissing those expressing concern over issues creates new problems. Modi’s style of functioning may be his natural disposition, but changing times show that such a temperament will not always guarantee victory.

  • From Delhi to Patna: How Student Unrest Reshaped Bankipur

    Even though more than a week has passed since the agitation ignited in the national capital, Delhi, by thousands of students and other forces under the banner of the “Cockroach Janata Party” subsided, its tremors have not yet died down. The situation has not completely settled even after the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. The Opposition is stalling Parliament, demanding a statement from Union Home Minister Amit Shah regarding the lathi charge and firing of pellets on the students. It is gathered that the government, unable to introduce key bills apart from minor and insignificant ones, is planning to adjourn Parliament indefinitely as early as possible. Chief Justice of India Justice Surya Kant—who commented two weeks ago, “Why are you showing us scenes of lathi charge on students? Don’t waste our time”—is now enabling the government to withdraw FIRs against the students. Since the Centre itself approached the Supreme Court in this matter, he appears to be offering the government a way to save face.

    On one side, although his fans and BJP leaders are abusing the students with various words, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced with a very large heart that he has forgiven them. However, this announcement did not yield the expected positive results. Modi and Amit Shah are coming to Parliament, but they are not getting the opportunity to attend both Houses. Surprisingly, officials themselves say that the Home Minister is not coming to Kartavya Bhavan (the seat of the Home Ministry) at all, and is conducting one or two important meetings in his own room in Parliament. The only incident that made Modi very happy during this crisis was being entertained with songs, dances, and a torrential rain of praise on the occasion of the inauguration of Bhogapuram Airport in Andhra Pradesh. But as soon as he returned to Delhi, the situation returned to the same heat!

    It is unknown how long this troubled period will last, but many observers say that the results of the three Assembly by-elections held during this time indicate a coming change in the country’s politics—especially the election results of the Bankipur constituency in Bihar. Bankipur, a constituency under the Patna Sahib Lok Sabha area in the capital of Bihar, became the center of the Cockroach Janata Party agitation. Recently, when students took to the streets across several cities in the country during the NEET question paper leak, its intensity was seen severely in Patna. Demanding the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, thousands of students residing in colleges and hostels centered in Bankipur marched out in a procession. Normal life came to a standstill on Ashok Rajpath and Boring Road, where a large number of coaching centers for students are located in the city.

    In Siwan and other key districts, the protest turned violent. Incidents such as lathi charges, stone-pelting, use of tear gas and water cannons, burning of police jeeps, and blockades of national highways took place. Videos of students being injured due to firing with AK-47s were circulated. Police barged into private hostels located in the narrow lanes of Bankipur, dragged out students who had come for coaching, and beat them severely. On the single day of the Bihar Bandh called on July 25, 690 people were detained. Murder charges were framed against many. The surprising fact is that while the Bankipur by-election was on July 30, the Bihar Home Department issued emergency orders on July 27 withdrawing all FIRs against the students. Yet, it was of no use.

    In March 1974, when Patna University students laid siege to the Assembly under the leadership of Jayaprakash Narayan, several students lost their lives in the firing and lathi charge carried out by the police. Afterwards, at a public meeting held at Gandhi Maidan in the presence of lakhs of people, JP gave a call for “Sampoorna Kranti” (Total Revolution). The statue of Jayaprakash built at the crossroads right next to the same Gandhi Maidan in Bankipur stands as a direct witness to recent events. In the surroundings of this area, known as JP Golambar, police once again pounced upon students. Before the Emergency, the JP movement spread from Patna to Delhi. Now, the Cockroach protest from Delhi echoed in the streets of Patna. It is no exaggeration to say that this echo decided the Bankipur election results.

    It goes without saying that in Bankipur, which had been in the BJP’s grip for the past three decades, the winner was not Prashant Kishor, leader of the Jan Suraaj Party that lost all its seats in the previous elections, but the students. It was only because he won five times from here that Nitin Nabin was able to become the BJP National President. The reason he gave up his MLA seat to choose the Rajya Sabha was that the top leaders of that party believed the BJP would win there effortlessly. The comment made by former Union Minister and Patna MP Ravi Shankar Prasad—”Even if a dog is fielded there, the BJP will make it win”—is proof of this. However, the BJP’s vote share plummeted from 62 percent to 34.4 percent in just one year! Because Kayasthas constitute 14 percent of the voters in Bankipur, Nitin Nabin used to win from there, as Bhumihars and Brahmins at 8 percent each, Rajputs at 7 percent, Kurmis at 5 percent, and Kushwahas at 3 percent also used to vote for him. In these by-elections, caste equations failed completely. These results must serve as an eye-opener to politicians who rely solely on caste equations!

    The Bankipur election results are merely a warning that the Bharatiya Janata Party must act with extreme caution hereafter in urban areas with high concentrations of middle-class and upper-caste populations. Bankipur made it clear that educated young voters in this country can influence election results. BJP leaders can no longer remain confident that urban areas like Lucknow, Prayagraj, Kanpur, and Noida in Uttar Pradesh, where elections are due in another seven to eight months, will remain their strongholds as in the past.

    Lekha Chakraborty, a prominent economist and professor at the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy (NIPFP) under the Union Ministry of Finance, attempted to scientifically analyze the students’ agitation. In a study, she expressed the view that just because individuals face similar problems, they do not fight spontaneously; when issues like paper leaks and job insecurity become strong motivators, combined with digital technology, youth unite on a massive scale. She stated that there is no connection between degrees and employment, and that only one-fourth of those with degrees get proper salaried jobs. One-third of the Periodic Labour Force lives on self-employment, and most of them depend on agriculture, earning low incomes.

    The ‘State of Working India 2026’ report released by Azim Premji University also confirms the study conducted by Lekha Chakraborty. It stated that although education has become accessible to sections that did not benefit in the past, meaningful opportunities to convert their qualifications into productive employment are not arising. These studies express deep concern over faculty leaving public universities, the decline in curriculum quality, and the falling value of degrees.

    They make it clear that advanced technology can reduce leaks and increase transparency, but it cannot create labor demand or restore the credibility of educational institutions. Economists themselves say that without increasing the education budget to 6 percent of GDP as recommended by the National Education Policy, and without properly building classrooms, providing teacher salaries and training, creating high-skilled jobs, and restoring the credibility of examinations, the problems cannot be solved. They warn that unresolved discontent provides continuous motivation to the people, and government suppression measures raise the danger level and strengthen collective unity.

    If politicians thought as scientifically as economists think, why would problems turn into crises and water flow under their rugs? Famous historian Will Durant did not remark in vain regarding the fall of the Roman Empire: “Great empires are not conquered from the outside; they destroy themselves from within.”

  • Mid-Course Correction: Why Dharmendra Pradhan’s Exit is a Wake-Up Call

    ‘Today’s youth have not strayed from the right path. They are not acting without direction. One should engage in discussion with them, but not control them. They ask for reasons, not rules. They seek explanations. Curiosity is their trait. Rebellion is their nature’.. These words were spoken not by some Communist leader, but by Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat. On July 24, as he was speaking these words at the Vishwa Mangalya Sabha held at the Ambedkar International Centre.. just one kilometer away at Jantar Mantar, an aggrieved group of youth was expressing intense anger. Exactly 24 hours later, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned from his post. ‘Though delayed, a good thing was done in the end..’ commented 92-year-old Murli Manohar Joshi. A day before Bhagwat made his statement, that veteran grandee commented that the lathicharge on students was atrocious. Joshi also justified that the students’ anxiety regarding the examination system was legitimate.

    Examining these developments closely reveals that it was not only the pressure from the youth, but also the pressure from internal forces within the BJP and the Sangh that led to Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation. It also becomes clear how much internal disquiet the intensity of the Cockroach Janata Party’s protest demonstration at Jantar Mantar created within the BJP, albeit belatedly. Sonam Wangchuk, an educator and environmental activist from Ladakh who strengthened the Cockroach Janata Party’s protest through his hunger strike unto death, was once a supporter of Modi. When Article 370 was revoked and Ladakh was separated from Jammu and Kashmir, he overflowed with joy. When the BJP promised to include Ladakh in the Sixth Schedule, he campaigned in favor of the BJP during elections. Wangchuk even turned down Rahul Gandhi’s invitation to participate in the Bharat Jodo Yatra. The BJP turned such a person against itself. Not just him, among the young men and women who came to Jantar Mantar, there were many who once admired Modi and the BJP and later turned against them. ‘I too voted for Modi along with my parents. When I was coming to the Jantar Mantar demonstration in Delhi, they did not raise any objection at all,’ said a young woman. BJP leaders themselves say that even in the houses of several Union Ministers and MPs, their children expressed solidarity with the CJP demonstration. In the Jantar Mantar demonstration, many engineers, fashion designers, MBA and law students, and children of farmer families were seen from several states along with Punjab, Mumbai, Haryana, and Telangana. Wearing loose jeans, t-shirts, various kinds of attire, and bands tied around their heads, these youth cannot be linked to any political party.

    It is surprising that these very students are deciding the Parliament’s agenda today. After the commencement of the monsoon session of Parliament, the Lok Sabha functioned smoothly for the first time on Tuesday afternoon after seven days. The students were the reason for that. They were responsible not only for Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation, but also for the government hastily bringing a bill to prevent irregularities in exams, for the Prime Minister announcing this bill late at night, and for the opposition finally agreeing to a debate. From Smriti Irani to Dharmendra Pradhan, four education ministers have changed during Modi’s tenure. During every education minister’s tenure, there was some controversy or the other. But the situation of having to resign due to student pressure arose only for Dharmendra Pradhan. When Dharmendra stepped into the Parliament premises after resigning, BJP MPs gave him a grand welcome chanting ‘Zindabad’ to him. They crowned him. For what? On whose orders and why did they honor him? It is clear that this was done to claim that even when knocked down, their upper hand remains. Who suffers the loss due to this? Is it not them?

    Many people across the country connected with the young men and women who conducted a peaceful protest demonstration for over a month, demanding that the Education Minister take moral responsibility for the exam paper leak. When they marched towards Parliament and their heads were fractured by lathicharges, and pellet fragments penetrated the bodies of those youths, many felt deep anguish. If those in the CJP were anti-social elements, why did Union Ministers hold three rounds of discussions with their representatives? Why did they promise to discuss reforms in the education system with them as well?

    In reality, in every movement, some amount of violence and destruction keeps taking place. Even in the Sampoorna Kranti movement led by Jayaprakash Narayan, there were allegations that a conspiracy was hatched to blow up railway bridges with dynamite. Violence broke out during the anti-reservation movement as well. Many times, after police brutality occurs, this angle of anti-social elements is brought forward to justify it. That alone does not take away credibility from the entire movement. Portraying every protest as a crime might work for a while, but it will not work at all times. Those in the ruling system must learn to respect the anger of protesters. Otherwise, a permanent hostility towards governance systems will be formed. This wisdom is evident in the comments made by Mohan Bhagwat, even if belatedly.

    Actually, had Congress acted properly, the need for students to take to the streets would not have arisen. Congress did not raise its voice strongly until after seeing the response to the formation of CJP on June 6. After the paper leak occurred in the first week of May and the exam was cancelled on May 12, Congress did not make enough efforts to respond strongly and hold the government accountable. Rahul Gandhi, who organized a student rally named ‘Chatron Ki Goonj’ in Kota, Rajasthan on June 17, disappeared for the next 23 days and spent time in Germany. Rahul showed signs of movement again only after the founder of CJP entered Delhi and intensified their protest, with just three days left for the Parliament session to begin. It was proven that if there is no continuity and daily active presence in politics, the situation goes into someone else’s hands. Congress must realize that theatrically organizing dharnas and getting arrested as in the past will not gain public sympathy. Since 2014, Congress has been stalling Parliament and holding protests. What change has come in electoral politics or in the government’s stance? With just a month-long protest, the Cockroach Party was able to make the government back down. Why did Congress and the opposition lack such moral strength?

    Just because bills are introduced in Parliament, it cannot be said that changes will come in the education system. Just by opening new IITs and medical colleges, the quality in higher education cannot be improved. To this day, not a single Indian university finds a place among the top hundred universities in the world. Even though the size of the Union Budget increases enormously every year, the share allotted to education in the Union Budget over the last 12 years has decreased significantly. In 2013–14, 4.65 percent of the total Union Budget was allocated to education, whereas by 2025–26, that share has fallen to 2.5 percent. Priority in the country is decreasing not just for education, but also for research. Going into the pages of history reveals that during the Congress regime, BJP leaders like Murli Manohar Joshi, Arun Jaitley, Sushma Swaraj, Narendra Modi, and others heavily criticized educational standards, facilities in educational institutions, and the lack of connection between higher education and employment. So to what extent has the situation changed now? Despite test papers leaking multiple times, why did the idea of setting up fast-track courts not arise earlier until students came onto the streets? In 2024, re-examinations were not conducted in certain test centers until the Supreme Court intervened. Now, the entire examinations had to be cancelled. Moreover, they are promoting it as a grand achievement that they are organizing exams properly on a war footing without loopholes. Days might even come when they claim in election manifestos that they conducted exams properly without paper leaks!

    PM Modi described the intervening period until achieving Viksit Bharat by 2047 as Amrit Kaal. The protest by the swarm of cockroaches during this Amrit Kaal should be considered, in a way, an auspicious development that served as an eye-opener for the government. Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation need not be considered a humiliation. It should be regarded as an opportunity to engage in self-introspection over the developments that occurred and take appropriate measures. Perhaps realizing this very fact, Infosys co-founder Nandan Nilekani was entrusted with the responsibility of Chairman of the Task Force on NTA exam reforms. It was under his leadership during the UPA tenure that the Aadhaar project, which stood as the largest biometric identification system, took shape. He played a key role in the digital transformation currently visible in the country. Technical experts and intellectuals have no affiliation with parties. That is why Modi entrusted him with key responsibilities. If the government moves forward in this same direction and takes steps to bring key changes in the governance system rather than always focusing on politics, there is no one who would not appreciate it. There is an opportunity to take such mid-course correction measures in another three years. If that does not happen, the ruling party itself stands to lose!

  • The Uncontainable Anger of India’s Disillusioned Youth

    “A small body of determined spirits fired by an unquenchable faith in their mission can alter the course of history,” said Mahatma Gandhi. India now seems to be moving toward an indefinable change. The siege of Parliament on the first day of the Monsoon Session in the national capital on Monday by activists of the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP)—who have been protesting for a month demanding the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, holding him responsible for the NEET question paper leak—must be called a monumental development in recent times. Despite setting up four-tier barricades, deploying large-scale forces of the Rapid Action Force, CRPF, Delhi, and Tripura Police, closing metro stations, and shutting down the internet, the Cockroach army, thousands strong, charged up to the gates of Parliament. Even as the police beat them severely, the young men and women displayed sheer daring. The young people lying with injuries at Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital are direct witnesses to Monday’s brutality.

    It is clear that the Modi government, which remained unmoved despite a decade of attacks and criticism from the opposition, has been put on the defensive by this incident of the cockroach rebellion. A BJP MP said that it is not important how many people participated in the movement launched by the Cockroach Party, but how much impact it had. “My father is a very important leader in the BJP. However, the unfolding developments are not very healthy…” said a youth who participated in the Jantar Mantar protest. “Where politicians fail, children will question,” said a student.

    In reality, the Cockroach Janata Party is not an organization. It is a crowd of directionless young men and women in the country’s contemporary history. Those who came to the protest at Jantar Mantar or participated in the procession did not come because someone paid them. No one arranged buses or trains for their arrival. The discussion happening merely on social media made them set out for Delhi. They did not come raging only over the NEET question paper leak. The young men and women who came were simply fed up with the problems faced by youth—especially unemployment, meager salaries, systemic flaws, and the machinations of political parties. Those who came to the Jantar Mantar protest site did not have a specific goal. Youth aged between 14–28 cannot be fitted into the mold of Left or Right ideologies. The Emergency is not part of their experience. They do not know about Loknayak Jayaprakash Narayan, who once united the opposition. They lack even the experience of the Mandal and Kamandal movements. They have no memories of events that happened three decades ago. Struggling with contemporary issues, unable to decide what to do, with an uncertain future, and arriving with various questions… they are not bound by any traditional rules. Over the past four weeks, this protest platform served as a space where they asked their own questions and provided their own answers. That protest was widely publicized on social media. Examining alternative media sources makes one understand how concerned the youth were about the health condition of environmental activist Sonam Wangchuk, who has been on a hunger strike for more than three weeks.

    Believing that the opposition lacked credibility, that there was no alternative to them, and that whatever they did would pass, the Modi government seems to have underestimated the emergence of the Cockroach Janata Party. The Modi government was easily able to deal with the long-drawn protests by farmers over farm laws and Muslims over the Citizenship Amendment Act. It did not listen even to the cries of female wrestlers who questioned the assaults committed against them. Whichever movement occurred in the country, it adopted various means to damage its credibility. It berated the protesters with various names. The Modi government thought it would be enough to treat the surge of youth protest as a law-and-order issue and suppress it. As the Cockroach Party protest was reaching its peak, Delhi Police Commissioner Satish Golcha was removed and replaced by Anurag Kumar, who until then served as Special Director (Intelligence). As the in-charge of the Jammu & Kashmir desk, he played a key role in dismantling terrorist activities in Kashmir. There is no surprise in such a person attempting to suppress the youth protest with the same mindset.

    During the UPA government’s tenure as well, young men and women flooded the streets against the Nirbhaya rape incident. However, back then, social media was not as influential as it is now. There is no doubt that social media today has become an alternative media for the public. In fact, when Modi came to power, the BJP IT Cell carried out various campaigns to mobilize people, especially to inflame the emotions of Hindus. In particular, it made extensive use of WhatsApp groups. Today, those IT Cell campaigns seem to fade before the social media in the hands of the Gen Z generation. This development proves that if any campaign is not aligned with the sentiments of the people, it will not last long.

    The current generation has not failed to notice that the promises with which Modi came before the people have vanished into the background, and emotional issues have become the main agenda. Leave aside the failure to create jobs; they are closely observing the inability to conduct even exams properly, the failure to provide quality education, and the resorting to numerous machinations and unrighteous wars solely for the sake of power. Nevertheless, there is no evidence to say that the current generation is placing the opposition, especially the Congress, on a pedestal. It is an undeniable fact that for a decade, the Congress and other parties have failed to ignite public anger against Modi. However, no one expected that youth would step up where the opposition failed. If the Congress party had acted as a strong opposition and reflected the aspirations of the youth, the Cockroach Janata Party would not have emerged. It is an interesting point that many forces that failed to confront Modi are now visible in the Cockroach army.

    Strangely, on the first day of Parliament’s Monsoon Session, people did not care about the bills the government intended to introduce or the issues the opposition wanted to raise. The ‘Chalo Sansad’ call given by the Cockroach Janata Party received immense publicity. In a way, this development questioned not only the existence of the government but also the existence of the opposition. Congress leaders, who had been silent all this while on the Cockroach Janata Party protest, making a hue and cry about the lathi charge on the youth, or Rahul Gandhi protesting in front of the Prime Minister’s residence, are all part of Congress trying to prove its own existence. Time alone will tell whether Congress will resurrect itself as a strong opposition learning from the experience of the Cockroach Janata Party. Even for Modi, it is fortunate for the opposition to exist at least to some extent. Otherwise, there are chances of more entities like the Cockroach Janata Party being born.

    Moral responsibility has become an unacceptable taboo in present times. Today, there are no leaders like NTR, who made the entire cabinet resign because the budget was leaked, nor are there ministers who take responsibility and resign for train and plane accidents. When Dharmendra Pradhan is constantly utilized to win elections for the party, how can he focus on his ministerial responsibilities? It is true that Dharmendra Pradhan, who efficiently strategized for the BJP’s victories in Bihar, Haryana, and Bengal, did not manage his ministry efficiently. However, that mistake is not entirely his. Treating their party’s victory in elections as a matter of life and death and diverting all energy and skill in that direction is the cause of the failure of leaders like Dharmendra Pradhan. Will the Modi government act with sincerity at least now to take responsibility for the mistakes committed and build public trust in system institutions?

  • Betraying Ram’s Path

    On the night before the demolition of the Babri Masjid structure on December 6, 1992, I met Rama Shankar Agnihotri in Ayodhya, a senior RSS member, journalist, and someone who oversaw media affairs during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Sitting right next to him, Vinay Katiyar, the MP of Faizabad (Ayodhya), gave me information about the Karseva. As the founding president of the Bajrang Dal, he was one of those who intensified the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Without leaders like Ashok Singhal, Vinay Katiyar, Kalyan Singh, Mahant Vaidyanath—the guru of UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath—Uma Bharti, and Sadhvi Rithambhara, there would be no Ram Janmabhoomi movement at all. Advani, who went among the people in the name of the Ram Rath Yatra, gave a political shape to this movement, but the forces that actually organized the movement, like the VHP and Bajrang Dal, were different. Vinay Katiyar, who won three times from Ayodhya, gained popularity with slogans like ‘Mandir Wahi Banayenge’.

    Such a Vinay Katiyar is taking the developments happening in Ayodhya today very seriously. He expressed deep anguish over the large-scale looting of cash and valuables from the donation boxes (Hundis) in the temple. The severity of the situation can be understood by the very fact that he said, “Everyone who is currently there is a thief.” Not only Vinay Katiyar, but many saints also condemned this plunder. “Those who looted the funds are Ravanas,” said Dhirendra Krishna Shastri, the head of Bageshwar Dham. Swami Avimukteshvarananda Saraswati, preacher Devakinandan Thakur, and Mahant Kamal Nayan Das like many other saints alleged that powerful people are behind this plunder. Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust member Mahant Dinendra Das Maharaj on Sunday backed the administration’s action in the alleged Ram Mandir donation embezzlement case, saying the steps taken were appropriate and demanding strict punishment for those found guilty. Speaking to news agency ANI, he said the ongoing investigation and arrests were justified and credited the state leadership for swift action. “If I tell the truth in this matter, I will get into trouble,” said a former BJP MP.

    Mahipal Singh, the former CEO of the trust, alleged that these funds have been plundered ever since the Centre formed the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust in 2020 to manage the temple construction, properties, and public donations, and that no one properly accounted for the gold, silver, and jewelry offered by the devotees. Instead of conducting an investigation after he pointed out the mismatch between vouchers, cash, and jewelry, he was removed from his job. The matter leaked out only after Akhilesh Yadav, the leader of the Samajwadi Party, raised this issue on June 7, 2026 and demanded a judicial inquiry. BJP leader Rajnish Singh wrote a letter directly to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, demanding that bank accounts and trust accounts be shown to the public and disclosed transparently. Finally, on June 13, the Yogi government appointed a Special Investigation Team (SIT).

    There is no count of how large an amount of donations, ornaments, gold, and silver bricks the devotees offered for the Ram Janmabhoomi in Ayodhya. One can gauge the extent of the issue across religious institutions as The Indian Express reported that the Shri Badrinath Kedarnath Temple Committee on Friday ordered an inquiry into allegations of misappropriation of donations at the Badrinath shrine in Uttarakhand. All employees and officials involved in counting donations have been issued show-cause notices, ANI quoted the temple committee chairperson, Hemant Dwivedi, as saying.

    Meanwhile, in Ayodhya, many devotees responded with deep devotion to the programs conducted in the name of distributing Akshatalu (sacred rice) and the ‘Ram Ram Gram Abhiyan’. Visuals of cash being taken away and bags being carried were exposed at least 70 times on CCTV cameras. The SIT concluded that some staff members intentionally stood in front of the cameras to prevent the scenes of stealing cash from the donation boxes from being recorded. Information was also obtained that large-scale lands were purchased with the looted money. Among those arrested by the SIT are some officials who count notes, the General Secretary of the Trust and International Vice President of the VHP, Champat Rai Bansal, and his personal driver Rama Shankar Yadav alias Tinnu Yadav, among others. But Champat Rai Bansal and Trustee Anil Mishra, who should have taken responsibility, merely resigned. Reports emerged that Anil Mishra built a magnificent three-story bungalow with ultra-modern amenities in Ayodhya. In fact, Alok Bansal, his wife Shivani Bansal, Chandan Rai Bansal, Manish Bansal, and others who ran real estate businesses worth crores of rupees in Ayodhya, are relatives of Champat Rai. Several land purchase documents seized by the SIT reached the media. Gopal Rao, a Pracharak of the Karnataka region belonging to Maharashtra and the Central Joint Secretary of the VHP, was appointed as the administrative officer. It is also reported that Gopal Rao, who is the most powerful person after Champat Rai, is the creator of many Udupi hotels in Ayodhya.

    It is not entirely far from the truth to say that if there were no Ram Mandir movement, there would be no Bharatiya Janata Party. Lal Krishna Advani himself explained in his autobiography that the Ram Janmabhoomi had a role in the rise of the BJP. He described the Ram Janmabhoomi movement as the largest mass movement in the history of independent India. Only after he conducted the Rath Yatra from Somnath did the BJP win 120 seats in the 1991 elections. After promising about the Ram Mandir in the BJP’s election manifesto in 1998, the first non-Congress coalition government led by the BJP under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee was formed at the Centre in the subsequent elections. He declared that they proved that if the people’s identification with religion is directed in a positive path, it can be shaped into an wonderful force, and that the collective expression of the people resonated in unison with the expression of a nation’s soul. Advani, who wished to awaken the dormant Hindutva through his movement, described Rama as a distinctive symbol of India’s national personality, unity, and integrity. Many people lost their lives due to this movement. Thousands of people died in the firing ordered by the then UP Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav’s government in Ayodhya in October and November 1990, and in the riots that took place across the country after the demolition of the Babri Masjid structure. Many people were jailed. Today, it appears that the ultimate purpose of the many sacrifices made for the Ram Janmabhoomi has been lost.

    People like Advani believed that the Ramayana has influenced the high moral value system in this country for several decades. Pamidighantam Kodandaramaiah, a former High Court judge who established the Arsha Vijnana Trust, wrote that the Ramayana transcends religion and religious systems. He stated in his book ‘Ramayana Prabha’ that the Ramayana has endured forever in India because Rama is dharma personified, as in ‘Ramo Vigrahavan Dharmah’. Scholars like Ilapavuluri Panduranga Rao said that Valmiki’s Ramayana mentions Sri Rama’s truthfulness at every step, and that very adherence to the spoken truth has sustained Indian society through the ages. Valmiki made Maricha describe Rama as the personification of the Deity of Dharma. Valmiki praised Rama as a saintly person, one of true valor, devoted to truth and righteousness, true to his word, of truthful character, and one whose soul is truth itself. “Truth is the only God; truth is the foundation of devotion in the world. The root of everything lies in truth alone. There is no higher goal beyond truth,” Valmiki said. He formulated that “Dharma is born out of strength (Balo pratishtaho dharmah dharanyamiva jangamam). If righteousness and strength are coupled with truth, they can protect against any great calamity.” He said that even the world can be conquered through truth. Valmiki makes Rama himself say, “I have no infatuation for wealth, gold, objects, or vehicles; what I want is not the kingdom, but the nation (Na hahamartha paro devi lokamavastu mutsahe).”

    But what is happening now? Ramayana means the path walked by Rama. Are we walking in that path? Are the strong standing by truth and righteousness today? Do they think the nation is more important than the kingdom? Is it enough to construct a Ram temple and install the idol of Rama? The ongoing developments prove that there is absolutely no value for truth and righteousness anywhere in the country, and that self-interest, wealth accumulation, desire for power, and tyrannical rule have become the sole goals. Leaders of the BJP, along with other parties, are proving the maxim: “Power corrupts. Absolute power corrupts absolutely.” It has turned out that some within the Sangh Parivar are also not exceptions to this. Today, one has to search for virtuous people in the BJP and the Sangh like Nanaji Deshmukh, Kushabhau Thakre, J.P. Mathur, Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, and Lakshmanrao Inamdar. There is also a rumor going around that the plunder in Ayodhya took place either to take the management of the temple away from the Sangh into the control of the government, or to put Yogi Adityanath in a tight spot. At a time when the BJP’s grip on national politics was thought to be tightening completely, the occurrence of plunder in Ayodhya—the very place responsible for the party’s progress—is a bad development. This development is causing distress among the people. Today, even lawyers in Ayodhya are collectively refusing to argue on behalf of the plunderers. This is not a stain that has come upon just a political party or an organization like the RSS, which claims to be committed to Hindu Dharma. It is a wound inflicted on the minds of the people who worship Sri Rama and the Ramayana in the country. The responsibility lies on the leaders of that party to ensure that the very arrow of Rama that caused the rise of the BJP does not become the cause of the BJP’s downfall.

  • As Regional Parties Fade, a BJP–Congress Contest Looms

    A few days ago, Prime Minister Narendra Modi remarked that “the Congress is a parasite; it survives by depending on other parties and abandons them once its needs are fulfilled.” He may have made this comment keeping in mind the Congress party’s decision in Tamil Nadu to distance itself from the DMK and join hands with actor Vijay’s TVK. However, judging by the developments of the past few days, it has become impossible to predict how many parties will remain in the INDIA alliance or how many parties will remain in the National Democratic Alliance led by Modi by the time of the 2029 elections. Several regional parties are facing an existential test and must decide their future course, though they do not have much time to do so.

    In this context, the question arises: will the next general election witness a direct contest between the BJP and the Congress? The Congress does not appear particularly worried about regional parties splitting or aligning with the BJP. In fact, many regional parties have occupied the political space that once belonged to the Congress. The Congress also does not seem to be taking very seriously the BJP’s war-footing strategies to increase its strength in both Houses of Parliament. It appears that the Congress is moving with the objective of confronting the BJP directly by 2029. In particular, the party seems to be focusing on how to mobilize the youth.

    The Congress rarely appears to work according to a clear and consistent agenda. Until recently, it focused on caste census, social justice, and reservations. Now, observing growing unrest among the youth, it has begun efforts to attract them. It organized a massive rally titled “Chhatron Ki Goonj” in Kota, Rajasthan, where Rahul Gandhi addressed thousands of young men and women. The growing influence of the “Cockroach Janata Party” may also have strengthened Rahul Gandhi’s resolve to appeal to young voters. Several studies after the 2024 Lok Sabha elections indicated that in many states, women, youth, and especially first-time voters favored the BJP. Will this situation change by 2029? Can the Congress regain its lost support among youth and women? This question is crucial to the party’s future.

    At the same time, the BJP’s intensive efforts to increase its strength in both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha and to bring many parties to its side cannot be dismissed lightly. According to an RSS leader, the Hindutva agenda remains the BJP’s highest priority. Only by remaining in power not just in 2029 but for several more decades can that agenda be fully implemented. As part of this objective, the BJP has focused on many regional parties across the country. It is rapidly moving to absorb parties such as JD(U), Trinamool Congress, Shiv Sena, and NCP. In Tamil Nadu, the DMK; in Jharkhand, the JMM; in Telangana, the BRS; and in Delhi, the AAP are now facing a difficult test of deciding their future direction. The BJP’s strategy is to bring various parties to its side through persuasion or pressure in order to fulfill its broader agenda.

    To ensure that the 2024 election results are not repeated in 2029 and that it does not again face the risk of losing its majority, the BJP is taking rapid measures. Delimitation and women’s reservation are among the most important of these. It hardly needs to be said that the Modi government’s approach to constituency delimitation would be favorable to the BJP. The party appears determined to ensure that neither the Congress nor regional parties outside the NDA gain significant advantage from the exercise. The BJP is attempting to secure more seats in Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, and West Bengal, where it fell short of expectations in the last elections, and to gain additional seats in Bihar, Jharkhand, Haryana, Rajasthan, and other states through changes in geographical and demographic arrangements.

    The consequences of delimitation in Assam and Jammu and Kashmir are already known. In Assam, Muslim-majority constituencies in Lower Assam and the Barak Valley were divided, and the fragmented areas were merged with constituencies dominated by local populations. This caused severe damage to the Congress and the AIUDF. The increase in seats reserved for Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes benefited the BJP’s regional allies. Similarly, in Jammu and Kashmir, the number of Hindu-majority seats in Jammu increased relative to Muslim-majority seats in the Kashmir Valley. Furthermore, increasing the number of seats helps counter anti-incumbency against sitting legislators. By allocating newly created seats to youth, women, and newcomers, the BJP aims to maximize its majority.

    It is difficult to determine to what extent the Congress understands the BJP’s comprehensive strategies. The Congress campaign against the BJP remains largely centered on Narendra Modi. Instead of preparing itself ideologically to confront the growing influence of the RSS across the country, it raises unproductive debates such as whether the organization possesses formal registration. This creates doubts about whether the Congress truly understands the BJP’s strategies.

    Out of India’s 4,123 Assembly seats, the Congress holds only 662. The party failed to win even a single Assembly seat in five states. In states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat, and Odisha, it won less than ten percent of the seats. In the 2024 general elections, the BJP and the Congress directly contested 286 constituencies; the BJP won 180 and the Congress 83. Gaurav Gogoi, who serves as Deputy Leader in the Lok Sabha and PCC president, recently suffered a crushing defeat in the Assam Assembly elections. Another Lok Sabha member and two-time Chief Minister, V. Vaithilingam, the Puducherry PCC president, even lost his deposit in the previous Assembly elections.

    Why is the Congress unable to convert anti-incumbency sentiment into political gains? Until it answers this question, no number of rallies or dramatic displays will strengthen the party. Regional parties face the same problem, and many of them are also splitting. Rather than merely blaming the BJP, the leaders of these parties must honestly examine why these divisions are occurring and why people are turning against them. What is the present condition of the Left parties, which were once strong ideological forces?

    The reality is that regional strongholds based solely on a single leader’s charisma or caste equations are collapsing rapidly. It is becoming clear that political ambitions unsupported by ideology cannot succeed indefinitely. This explains why the futures of Mamata Banerjee, Sharad Pawar, Uddhav Thackeray, Arvind Kejriwal, K. Chandrashekar Rao, Naveen Patnaik, and Jagan Mohan Reddy appear uncertain. None of the regional giants currently enjoys overwhelming influence. The conduct of successors in some parties also appears unpromising. As one analyst observed, these are not ordinary developments but indications of deep structural changes taking place within India’s political system.

    Although the BJP revolves around Modi, it is not a Modi-dependent party. Numerous powerful forces behind the BJP ensure that its strategies, expansion, and actions align with long-term objectives. Both the RSS and the BJP understand that Modi is merely an important instrument in achieving these goals.

    The same cannot be said about the Congress. Under its dynastic leadership, there is little evidence that Rahul Gandhi is attempting to build a strong organizational and ideological structure that extends to every village and transforms the Congress into an overwhelmingly popular mass party. It has been demonstrated repeatedly that power cannot be attained merely through the opponent’s weaknesses, mistakes, or anti-incumbency.

    There is little reason to fear that India’s political system is collapsing. In reality, it is undergoing a phase of reorganization. As regional voices weaken, it is increasingly evident that future elections may witness a principal contest between two national poles. Regional forces struggling for survival may inevitably gravitate toward one of these poles. Delimitation and the absorption of regional forces may naturally increase the Congress’s seat tally to some extent. However, if it wishes to create a political wave and capture power, politics must once again be shaped by influential national ideologies rather than individual leaders.

  • Modi’s Ascendancy and the Opposition’s Search for Direction

    On Monday, at the INDIA alliance meeting held in Delhi, Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee, who appeared with a faded face, was tightly embraced by former Congress president Sonia Gandhi. Who other than one woman can understand another woman’s heart? “Some scenes cannot be expressed in words,” remarked a senior leader.

    These two were once described by international organizations as the most powerful leaders in the country. While Sonia ruled the country’s politics for more than ten years, Mamata Banerjee ruled Bengal politics for 15 years. But they are not unaware that the present circumstances are different.

    After the results of the five state elections announced last month, anti-BJP forces met again in Delhi. Mamata Banerjee and the Left parties, forgetting that until yesterday they were also fighting Congress, have become ready to join hands with Congress at the national level. Mamata Banerjee also appears to have forgotten that Rahul Gandhi, the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, had only recently criticized her harshly over her anarchic and corrupt rule. She also may not now remember that in 2021 she dreamed of the Prime Minister’s post and declared, “Congress has become ineffective in the country. I alone will play the key role at the national level.”

    The tigress-like Mamata Banerjee, who rebelled against Congress in 1998 and launched her party by holding a rally in Kolkata while the AICC plenary session was taking place, now appears to have had her claws removed. Public representatives belonging to her party in both the Lok Sabha and the Assembly have declared rebellion against her. Her right-hand man Abhishek Banerjee, MP Kalyan Banerjee, and other party leaders are facing attacks on the streets. The same methods Mamata Banerjee once employed against her opponents are now being used against her by her rivals. While Mamata Banerjee and her followers are now crying in the wilderness on the streets of Kolkata, Congress leaders have become the ones standing by her. In this context, it appears that Mamata Banerjee has realized that Congress alone is her refuge if she is to face a mighty force like the BJP both in the state and in Delhi. Though Congress and the Left did not win many seats in the Bengal Assembly elections, they were able to damage the Trinamool considerably. In minority-dominated areas such as Murshidabad, Malda, and Uttar Dinajpur, the Congress–Left alliance ensured that Trinamool did not receive its traditional support. In 32 Assembly constituencies where Muslims constitute more than 50 percent of the population, Trinamool did not win even a single seat. In the Jangipur constituency, the Congress candidate secured 31,000 votes while the Trinamool candidate received only 10,542 votes. Likewise, in the Karandighi constituency, CPI(M) secured 39,000 votes, while the BJP candidate won with 20,000 votes. Perhaps the manner in which these results came has taught Mamata Banerjee lessons about her arrogance, authoritarian approach, and disregard for allies. That is why she is now seen on the streets of Delhi.

    Likewise, for the Left parties, whose ground is slipping from beneath their feet in the country, the streets of Delhi have also become a refuge. In the 140-member Kerala Assembly, the Congress-led UDF winning more than 100 seats, the BJP winning three seats, and the defeat of most ministers in Pinarayi Vijayan’s cabinet cannot be ignored. Analysts described the Left alliance’s defeat there as the result of Pinarayi Vijayan’s centralized and arrogant governance, severe disappointment among farmers, youth, and ASHA workers, dissatisfaction among party cadres, and public resentment against ten years of rule. Congress leaders such as Rahul Gandhi and Revanth Reddy criticized Pinarayi Vijayan, alleging that he was colluding with the BJP and encouraging corrupt elements. They questioned why central agencies had not investigated Vijayan. Be that as it may, the Left parties, which have reached a situation where they are not in power anywhere in the country for the first time in five decades, have realized that they have no option except to work together with other anti-BJP forces. Left leaders D. Raja and John Brittas, who attended the INDIA alliance meeting, have that clarity.

    The late CPI(M) General Secretary Sitaram Yechury, who passed away two years ago, understood the present situation in the country very well. When Congress inducted Prasenjit Bose, who had been expelled by CPI(M), Rahul Gandhi joked with Yechury, saying, “We have taken your comrade into our party.” Laughing, Yechury replied, “What is yours and ours? In this struggle, both of us are travelling in the same boat.” He had long ago understood the need for all anti-BJP forces to shed their narrow-mindedness and work together to confront the BJP, which was advancing unchecked across the country. Today, none of the parties in the NDA are fighting among themselves. But the parties in the INDIA alliance do not possess that level of unity. How much sincerity of purpose do the 23 parties that met at Delhi’s Constitution Club after nearly two years really have? What is the significance of the DMK and Aam Aadmi Party not attending? After the Emergency, in 1977, opposition parties contested against Congress under a single election symbol in the name of the Janata Party. How many parties today possess that same sincerity and fighting spirit? Can Congress provide leadership to other parties in the same way that the BJP has been able to guide even its allies along its ideological path?

    Two days after the INDIA alliance meeting, Prime Minister Narendra Modi organized a meeting of NDA allies on the occasion of completing 12 years in power. Though nominally an NDA meeting, it is in reality a BJP meeting. Leaving aside small states like Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Puducherry, Andhra Pradesh is the largest state where NDA rule is currently in effect. Until recently, Janata Dal (United) chief Nitish Kumar was the Chief Minister in Bihar. Now, even there, a BJP leader is Chief Minister. With his entry into the Rajya Sabha, the 12 JD(U) MPs in the Lok Sabha will have to regard Modi as their leader. While Trinamool has 28 MPs in the Lok Sabha, 20 MPs under the leadership of party chief whip Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar have decided to write to Speaker Om Birla seeking recognition as a separate group after rebelling against Mamata Banerjee. At some auspicious moment, they too may have no option but to join the BJP and wear the saffron scarf as BJP MPs. That means the BJP effectively already has a full majority in the Lok Sabha even without the support of the Telugu Desam Party. Moreover, seven MPs from Shiv Sena, five from Lok Janshakti Party, two from Janata Dal (Secular), two from Rashtriya Lok Dal, one from the NCP Pawar group, two from Apna Dal and Hindustani Awam Morcha, along with six MPs from northeastern states, are already supporting the BJP. Since Modi came to power, the Bharatiya Janata Party has earned the distinction of splitting several regional parties such as Shiv Sena, NCP, Lok Janshakti Party, Rashtriya Lok Samata Party, Aam Aadmi Party, and Trinamool, and also attracting many leaders from other parties into its fold. Not only that, during Modi’s tenure, parties such as BSP, BJD, DMK, and AIADMK have faced tests of survival, making their future uncertain. A situation has arisen in the country where many regional parties feel that their survival will be difficult unless they surrender to Modi.

    In this context, as Modi enters his 13th year in power today, no one can deny that his political strength is increasing day by day, despite social media commentary about how intense his politics may become, developments such as the “cockroach party,” the weakening of democratic institutions, allegations that the judiciary has surrendered, and the flood of criticism over the failure of institutions such as NEET and CBSE to conduct examinations properly. Without eliminating their internal contradictions and creating an equally compelling alternative vision, what change can opposition parties or other non-BJP forces achieve, no matter how many meetings they conduct?

  • In the Light of Bashir Badr’s Memories…

    In the Light of Bashir Badr’s Memories…

    We spend our entire lives in the light of certain memories. Every time we wonder whether they are just memories or the fluttering echoes of our own life force, the poet Bashir Badr comes to mind. Yes, we must keep the light of memories with us. Otherwise, who knows in which dark alley the evening of life will come to an end? As he once said: “Ujala apni yaadon ka hamare saath rehne do” (Let the light of your memories remain with me).

    On Thursday, the evening of Bashir Badr’s life also came to a close. Passing away at the age of 91, he was one of those poets who served as a bridge between the social evolution of pre- and post-independence India—a true representative of the country’s composite culture. With his demise, it must be said that an entire generation has almost gone extinct. For the past few years, it was known that he lived like a living corpse, having lost his thoughts and memories, in a state where he did not know who he was or what his poems were. True to his own lines: “Jeevan ke safar mein mujhe koi bhi na mila, hamraah to milte hain safar yaad nahi rehta” (I found no one to stand by me in life’s journey; many walk along the path, but once the journey ends, no one remembers those memories), he vanished along with his memories. And just as he had written: “Umr bhar jagne wala pada sota raha…” (The one who stayed awake all his life now lies fast asleep), he has entered an eternal sleep.

    In a way, he was fortunate. He had once lamented that sometimes, it is better not to know what is happening around us: “Koi haath bhi na milayega jo gale miloge” (No one will even shake your hand if you go to embrace them). He had written long ago:

    “If you go with deep affection to embrace someone, no one here will even shake your hand. This is the city of a new generation of people; keep a little distance here even when you meet.”

    Today, it is not just mechanical living, but the destruction of life itself that reigns supreme. How fortunate he was not to know that the very communal hatred he fled from in Meerut to find peace in Bhopal has now spread across the entire country? He had prayed to God to grant him the strength to forget those who had completely forgotten him: “Tumhe jisne dil se bhula diya, use bhoolne ki dua karo” (Pray to forget the one who forgot you from the heart). Perhaps the Almighty took pity on him and blessed him with Alzheimer’s until his death.

    The Scars of Meerut

    Indeed, the mention of Bashir Badr’s name brings back memories of the Meerut communal riots. During the 1987 Meerut riots, miscreants destroyed his house and his writings. Those were the days when Bashir Badr, born in Ayodhya—the birthplace of Lord Rama—was working as a lecturer in Meerut. He had never realized that the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute would erupt in his birthplace of Ayodhya, and that very conflict would engulf Meerut, where he lived, like a wildfire. Many Hindus and Muslims lost their lives in these riots that took place in May and June of 1987. However, reports emerged that the PAC (Provincial Armed Constabulary) forces, tasked with maintaining law and order, gunned down many Muslims in the villages of Maliyana and Hashimpura in Meerut and threw them into canals. Human rights leader Balagopal was among those who submitted reports on these atrocities at the time. Nearly three decades later, in October 2018, the Delhi High Court sentenced 16 PAC personnel to life imprisonment for killing 42 people.

    It was about these Meerut riots that Bashir Badr wrote:

    Log toot jaate hain ek ghar banane mein Tum taras nahi khate bastiyan jalane mein (People pour their entire lives into building a single home, but you show no mercy when you burn down entire neighborhoods.)

    Bashir noticed back then that if anyone spoke the truth, they were branded as rebels or anti-social elements. He depicted this reality in his ghazal, “Main bolta hoon to ilzaam hai baghavat ka.” He wrote:

    “If I speak, they accuse me of rebellion; if I remain silent, a deep sense of helplessness and agony gnaws at my conscience, watching injustice happen before my eyes and being unable to do anything.”

    He beautifully captured the plight of an intellectual torn between speaking the truth and enduring it silently in just two lines. He wrote that even the flow of one’s tears finds its own path, just like flowing water.

    A Unique Voice in Urdu Literature

    At the tender age of 12, the horrors and riots of the 1947 Partition left an indelible mark on Bashir’s mind. Writing poetry since the age of seven, Bashir’s ghazals mirrored the changing political, social, and cultural landscape. Transforming from Syed Muhammad Bashir to Bashir Badr (Bashir the Moon), he demonstrated extraordinary talent in mushairas (poetic symposiums) and poetry competitions as a student, winning numerous awards. While he was still a student at Aligarh Muslim University, some of his poems were included in the M.A. (Urdu) syllabus.

    By setting aside the heavy Persian influence on ghazals and choosing a simple language easily understood by the common reader, he earned immense popularity. By introducing Hindi, Braj, and Awadhi dialects, he carved a unique niche for his ghazals among modern Urdu poets. He introduced metaphors that no one had created before. He boldly declared: “My turn is unique in the history of Urdu ghazal. My style itself is the style of the ghazal.” Fluent in Persian, Hindi, Urdu, and English, he was honored with the Sahitya Akademi Award, the Padma Shri, and hundreds of other accolades. His poetry was published in seven volumes.

    Transcending traditional boundaries and refusing to be trapped in the frameworks of ideologies like progressivism or modernism, he beautifully and poetically expressed the daily experiences of the common man. He carried forward the trend in India that Faiz Ahmed Faiz had created in Pakistan. He deserves the credit for making poetry a part of the common vocabulary after Ghalib. Bashir Badr’s poems highlight the humane dimension, sensitivity, and love for freedom inherent in humans. He searched for humanity all his life. There were many occasions when he lamented that the paths they once walked together were asking, “Where is your companion (Humsafar)?” He grieved, “I searched for a human being all my life. I asked God to show me a human being in this vast universe, but I could not find one.”

    In another poem, he expresses his anguish:

    “There are names on houses, and big titles (designations) next to those names. But I searched extensively… and nowhere could I find a ‘human’.”

    The Romantic and the Humanist

    We often long to look at our loved ones to our heart’s content. We want to talk openly, and the desire to meet haunts us. He yearned: “Na jee bhar ke dekha na kuch baat ki, badi aarzoo thi mulaqaat ki” (Neither did I see you to my heart’s content, nor did we talk; I had a great desire to meet). He anxious sighed: “There are many close friends of mine in the city, but they have no news of me, and I do not know their addresses.” He grieved that despite living among hundreds of people, man is becoming lonely.

    Saying “Musafir hain hum bhi musafir ho tum bhi”, Bashir reminded us that we are all travelers and will meet somewhere. He warned those chasing fame: “The peaks of fame are but momentary sights. The branch we have climbed can break at any moment.” He advised finding history in nature: “If you find free time, try to read the writings on water, because every river keeps writing a history (story) of thousands of years through its flow.”

    In his poem “Udne do parindon ko abhi shokh hawa mein”, he wrote for elders who worry unnecessarily about children: “Let the birds (children) fly in this playful wind for a while, because the days of childhood, once gone, never return.”

    There was also a magnificent romantic poet within Bashir Badr. Beautiful lines resonate through his ghazals:

    • “You burn my heart so much, yet you look so beautiful.”
    • “Place your lips upon my eyes when I sleep… only then will I believe that the heart beats even behind closed eyelids.”
    • “Even when buried in a book, a lover sees nothing but the beloved’s face. That book-like face remained right before my eyes, and so, my studies went beautifully.” (Wo chehra kitabi raha saamne. Badi khoobsurat padhayi hui)
    • “Love is like a fragrance (Khushboo) that always walks with us; therefore, no person is ever left truly alone, even in solitude.”
    • “If you are angry, do not hide it. Only then will I get a chance to persuade you.”

    A Vision of Peace and the Game of Politics

    Despite being born amid communal hatred and being deeply affected by it, Bashir Badr desired nothing but friendship between people throughout his life. He said: “The journey of enmity lasts only a step or two, after that (fighting and fighting) you will get tired, and I will get tired too.” He wrote: “Pack hatred (Nafrat) into seven boxes and bury it deep in the earth; today, man desperately needs love (Mohabbat).” He counselled: “Guard the lamps (hopes) carefully in your eyes, because ahead, for a long distance, there will be nothing but darkness.”

    His verses frequently find a place on the lips of politicians.

    Dushmani jam kar karo lekin ye gunjaish rahe, Jab kabhi hum dost hojayen to sharminda na hona (Carry out your enmity with all your might, but leave this much room—if we ever become friends again, we should not feel ashamed to face each other.)

    It is said that when the Simla Agreement was signed between India and Pakistan in 1972, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto reminded Indira Gandhi of this very couplet.

    The same poem was read out in Parliament by Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge on September 6, 2018. The very next day, Prime Minister Narendra Modi also replied to Kharge using Bashir Badr’s poetry, taking a satirical jibe: “Jee bahut chahta hai sach bolne, kya karein hausla nahi hota” (The heart desperately wants to speak the truth, but what to do, the courage falls short).

    After poets pass away, politicians never hesitate to shamelessly use their poetry for political gains. But when poets are alive, these very leaders trample upon their hearts. Bashir Badr did not write these lines without reason:

    “Truth is heavily occupied, from politics to the judiciary. Speak lies; there is still immense love in lies!” (Sach, siyasat se adalat tak bahot masroof hai, jhooth bolo, jhooth mein ab bhi mohabbat hai bahot!)